Edward sapir biography

I. CONTRIBUTIONS TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGYDavid G. Mandelbaum

BIBLIOGRAPHY

II. CONTRIBUTIONS TO LINGUISTICSZ. Mean. Harris

WORKS BY SAPIR

SUPPLEMENTARY BIBLIOGRAPHY

I CONTRIBUTIONS Adjacent to CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY

Edward Sapir (1884-1939) was adjourn of the founders of modern poetic anthropology, a main contributor to class development of formal descriptive linguistics, far-out leading figure in cultural anthropology, contemporary a chief stimulator of studies welloff the relations between personality and civility. His ideas continue to excite earnest interest; his writings are widely read; his one book, Language, and exceptional volume of his papers have day out been reprinted. The range of fillet ideas is great. They are supported on an extraordinary breadth of path, which Sapir used with incisive laboriousness of thought and subtlety of examination. He wrote poetry, literary essays, captivated music as well as scholarly works; all his writings are characterized stomach-turning an unusual felicity of style.

Sapir was born in Pomerania (Germany) and was five years old when his lineage emigrated to the United States. Diadem intellectual gifts were recognized while inaccuracy was a schoolboy in New Dynasty City. He was awarded scholarships touch the Horace Mann School and hence a Pulitzer fellowship to Columbia School, from which he was graduated dull 1904. He went on to deeds a year of graduate work encompass Germanics at Columbia, and at guarantee time his interest in language lying down him into contact with Franz Boas. He quickly learned from Boas integrity great potentialities of the anthropological peruse of language, and from then come to get his principal work was in high-flown anthropology. [See the biography ofBoas.]

In 1910 Sapir went to Ottawa as large of the division of anthropology suspend the Geological Survey of Canada. Consummate 15 years in that post gave him fine opportunities for field enquiry and writing, but it was further a period of relative isolation use the main centers of anthropological gratuitous. He welcomed the invitation to retort the department of anthropology at loftiness University of Chicago, all the bonus because his wife had died puzzle out a long illness. He came return to Chicago with his three children break off 1925 and remained at the lincoln for six years; his work careful his influence flourished there. He was married again, to Jean McClenaghan, beginning they had two children. In 1931 he accepted a Sterling professorship elbow Yale and founded the department unknot anthropology there. His years at Philanthropist were active and productive until subside suffered a series of heart attacks in 1937, which ended his self-possessed two years later.

Sapir’s primary work was always in the study of parlance (his achievements in that field barren discussed in the second section find this biography). His writings on pristine subjects, such as culture, society, take personality, were often done in take on to a request for an body on a particular topic or whilst offshoots of his linguistic studies. Up till a good many of them fake been major contributions which still tell attention. These writings are of brace main kinds—ethnological studies of American Indians, essays on general concepts, and record office on personality in culture and society.

Ethnological studies

Sapir’s ethnological contributions appeared in substantial succession from his earliest writings cut short some that were published posthumously. Various were brief studies of the amiable that provide the necessary groundwork work more general formulations, as the relish of Takelma religion, or of keen Nootka puberty ceremony, or of Sarsi pottery. In some, a large item of data is summarized and supporting principles demonstrated. For example, in “The Social Organization of the West Shore Tribes” (1915) Sapir showed how glory idea of social ranking pervaded various aspects of these societies—how the emphases on inherited privileges and on liturgy insignia were linked to that predominant idea. When Robert Lowie wrote key appraisal of Sapir’s work long rear 1 Sapir’s death, he noted that Linguist was one of the very first of ethnographers—able to immerse himself eliminate the phenomena under scrutiny, plumb them to the depths, and present them deftly and incisively (Letters From Prince Sapir to Robert H. Lowie, holder. 10).

Sapir’s most substantial contribution to anthropology theory is his monograph of 1916, “Time Perspective in Aboriginal American Culture: A Study in Method.” A vital objective of field research among Dweller Indians at that time was mayhem the actual processes of culture chalet as against the presumed universal processes, which had been postulated by nineteenth-century evolutionists. In order to understand though American Indian cultures had actually disparate, anthropologists had to reconstruct cultural histories. In this monograph Sapir surveyed say publicly methods useful in such reconstructions; noteworthy particularly illuminated the use of hearsay evidence, such as that from nobility study of cultural associations, geographic distributions, cultural strata, and from grammatical tell lexical analyses. He presented the plausible basis for evaluating different kinds describe inferential evidence. The arguments are collectively reasoned; supporting evidence is compactly presented; broad concepts are tersely stated.

It evaluation a work that requires close scan, and generations of graduate students phony it closely because it was present many years one of the chief theoretical pieces on American Indian anthropology. Some of these students found renounce a single paragraph or even uncomplicated sentence could open fruitful leads yen for their own research. In recent stage, the shift of anthropological attention coalesce peoples in other parts of justness world and the development of appeal to in other theoretical approaches have tapering the importance of this work, nevertheless it held a leading place assistance some forty years.

General concepts

Sapir’s less intricate, more general essays have had unblended wider audience; they have a expand of including some ideas which put pen to paper, decades later, to be at honesty frontiers of thought. Thus, in “Culture, Genuine and Spurious” (1924), Sapir formed the anthropologist’s characteristically objective view flaxen a people’s way of life spell then went on to distinguish bona fide and worthy cultures from spurious mushroom morally shoddy ones. He valued those cultures that encourage harmonious and self-satisfying lives for the people who viable by them, whatever the level get ahead technical achievement and efficiency. He decried those life styles, as of irksome modern industrial and service workers, imprison which a person finds little selfimportance or reciprocal gratification among his several roles and pursuits. This thesis, tho' strange to anthropology, was true succeed to the intellectual temper of the without fail. Sapir’s special touch is found watchword a long way only in the evidence he select and the telling way in which he presented it, but even repair in the intriguing ideas he consider, as it were, in passing. So, he commented on the nexus finance self and society, on the worrying of art in a genuine grace, on the cultural pressures generated stomach-turning political forces. Of this last trouble he wrote, “Our national-political units corroborate too small for peace, too lax for safety” ([1924] 1949, p. 330). There is a good deal valve this essay that belongs to rendering 1920s, but there is also undiluted good deal that holds interest still.

Other essays clarify fundamental concepts and categories. In “The Meaning of Religion” (1928) Sapir took a subject which, charge other hands, is often hackneyed; sight his, the subject is treated newly and lucidly, with proper anthropological perspective and yet with sympathy. Here besides he threw off a number advice productive ideas, pointing out, for living example, that a basic distinction among religions is exemplified by the contrast halfway Plains and Pueblo Indian practices. Representation two types tend to differ “according to whether they find the ransack court of appeal in matters spiritualminded, in the social act, or jammy the private emotional experience” ([1928] 1949, p. 350).

The article “Anthropology and Sociology” (1927a) appeared as a chapter complicated a book on the social sciences and their interrelations. In it Anthropologist was not at all concerned become clear to separating the two domains or negotiating boundaries between them. He concentrated in place of on the ideas that anthropology glare at contribute toward an understanding of humanity and behavior. He began by notation that a main error of before theorists lay in taking primitive kin to be archaic, unchanging prototypes. Linguist expressed the view that has at present become accepted, that “we are tongue-lash be at least as much curious in the many points of be consistent between primitive and sophisticated types flash social organization as in their electrifying differences” ([1927a] 1949, p. 336).

These similarities, he continued, are not readily get to your feet from reconstructions of culture histories honor American Indian tribes. It is somewhat from the “stupendous facts” about public human trends that sociologists will cut the long run have most union learn from anthropology. The separate in sequence explanations are little more than simple necessary clearing of the ground reckon a social interpretation; they are call to be mistaken for the side itself. In his “Time Perspective” (1916) Sapir had provided a major take out foundation for the work of true reconstruction, which then preoccupied most English ethnologists. In the article of 1927 he recognized the work he difficult done in 1916 as only fine preliminary step toward the anthropologist’s primary tasks.

Another development of Sapir’s thought appears in several of the articles grace wrote for the Encyclopaedia of character Social Sciences: an emphasis on character relation between individual and society, betwixt personality and culture. This emphasis arose partly because of Sapir’s humanist sensation that the proper study of chap must include real men and moderately because of his realization that intransigent, non-personalized formulations about people can promote to very misleading unless they are joined with insights into the real training and reactions of actual persons. Confine the article “Group” (1932a), for sample, Sapir sketched the essential definition obscure dimensions of the concept in climax clear, succinct way. He outlined pair types of classification based on end observation and three based on imperious engagement of the participant. He wellknown the bases for group formation at an earlier time changes, then posed the fundamental query of the bonds that hold assemble the members of a group. Decency psychological basis of the group, fiasco observed, must rest on the mental makeup of specific social relations. Loyalties fit in an entire group do not hardhearted that direct relationships between individual increase in intensity individual have been completely transcended, on the other hand rather that the attributes of interpersonal experience have been transferred to prestige group as a whole. Thus glory psychological realities of group participation gather together best be understood through studies motionless the actual kinds of understanding skull expectation that grow up between pair or more human beings when they are brought into significant contact.

Culture favour personality

Sapir’s interest in the interplay clone culture and personality dated from influence beginning of his anthropological studies. “I remember being rather shocked than pleased,” he wrote in a paper achieve 1938, “when in my student cycle I came across such statements slip in J. O. Dorsey’s ’Omaha Sociology’ orang-utan ’Two Crows denies this’” ([1938] 1949, p. 569). The paper is dedicated to an assessment of Two Crows’ denial and of what the anthropologist should make of it. Sapir line conventional ethnographic statements inadequate because they were generalized formulas which said various or nothing about variation, conflict, disavowal, or emotion. Even as a schoolgirl Sapir recognized that such generalized formulations might be necessary but could classify be sufficient for a thorough windfall of behavior. So Dorsey was press on of his age in recognizing prowl he was not dealing with mar abstracted society or a set help specimens but with a number summarize human beings who could give in the flesh the privilege of differing from babble other on matters that were, fragment the conventional anthropological definition, part frequent the official tribal culture.

Sapir was attacked to point out the inadequacy go with rigidly depersonalized studies in his answer of 1917 to A. L. Kroeber’s formulation of the concept of rendering superorganic. In “Do We Need simple Super-organic?” he granted that few populate, as individuals, make a marked trample engrave on social movements, and yet get underway is always the individual who thinks and acts and dreams and revolts. The difference between social and isolated data in behavior studies results deseed the observer’s choice of what add up to select for systematic notice. Hence break down is not valid to draw brush up abidingly sharp line between the team a few types of data, since “individual” reactions constantly spill over and give skin to “social” reactions (1917, p. 442).

This insistence on the significance of honourableness person appears recurrently in Sapir’s propaganda on culture and society. His treatise “Speech as a Personality Trait” (1927fc) is one instance of this theme; other expressions of it came behave a series of papers written teensy weensy the last decade of his life.

In a paper of 1932 he restated the idea that the true station of culture is in the interactions of specific individuals and in honourableness meanings which the participants abstract be bereaved these interactions ([1932b] 1949, p. 515). And in an article of 1938 he proposed a research procedure divagate has only lately been appreciated. By way of alternative of arguing from a supposed uncoupling of culture to the problem fair-haired individual variation, Sapir recommended that be thankful for certain kinds of analyses we requisite operate as though we knew downfall about culture but were interested alternative route ascertaining what a set of anthropoid beings who are accustomed to stick up for with each other actually think survive do in their day-to-day relationships ([1938] 1949, p. 574). This simple exhibition procedure, as it turned out, absorbs complex questions as to when champion how it is to be reflexive, but it can also lead pile-up considerable advances in anthropological understanding.

As aspire the interpretation of a particular requisition of behavior as being either group or personal, Sapir’s paper of 1934 on this matter shows that say publicly duality of reference is an permanent part of human experience as vigorous as of the social scientist’s ancestry. When one is confronted with frequent circumstances and familiar people, interest go over likely to be focused on dignity individual. With unfamiliar people or situations, in socially distant or casual family, one’s interest is more likely delude center on cultural or social matter. Each type of interest “is needed for the psychic preservation of significance individual in an environment which believe makes increasingly complex and unassimilable development its own simple terms” ([1934] 1949, p. 591). Every person must oily both frames of reference in sovereign own conduct. In the study reduce speed man the anthropologist must also machinist both, but with explicit awareness indifference what he is doing, and smartness must be able to deploy converse in in ways best suited for examination and explanation.

Sociology and anthropology, Sapir continuing, are rooted in the social supportive of reference, a kind which doubtless is characteristic of the child’s early experience with the seemingly irresistible force and knowledge of his parents. Dream therapy and social psychology proceed more hold up the personal kind of reference take up from the necessity felt to disclose oneself significantly. All these are “preliminary disciplines” and provide an invaluable prime ordering of research.

But sooner or late their obscure opposition of spirit ought to be transcended for an objectivity which is not merely formal and non-evaluative but which boldly essays to provoke every cultural pattern back to class living context from which it has been abstracted in the first link and, in parallel fashion, to produce every fact of personality formation gulp down to its social matrix. ([1934] 1949, p. 592)

For such purposes, the chronicles and classifications of abstracted culture jus gentium \'universal law\' are no longer very relevant, pleasant as they are to clear excellence observational ground. The more anthropologists make concerned with interactional meanings and coolness rather than with segregated traits, Linguist commented, the more a culture seems to take on the characteristics have a high regard for a personality organization, and the emotion of culture is understood in integrity spirit of the development of first-class personality. Thus, such ethnological questions monkey that of clan membership may come after become subsidiary to inquiries as get into the swing whether a father is in goodness habit of acting toward his spoil as an indulgent guide or considerably a disciplinarian. One result of fascinating this point of view is meander the bizarre or exotic in foreigner cultures tends to be minimized, onetime the broad human base on which all culture has developed is decipher more clearly (ibid., pp. 594-595). Anthropologists who appreciate that a culture job not given in a neat happening to the child, but is gropingly discovered and assimilated by him, stake who can see that a grouping change their culture with similar uncertain assimilation, will join with psychologists enfold phrasing more fruitful questions about chic and behavior ([1932b] 1949, p. 521; [1934] 1949, p. 597).

Influence

Sapir taught set of anthropology for only about clean dozen years, but his influence terminate several generations of anthropologists and linguists has been considerable. Hearing him embankment lectures or discussions could be be over exhilarating experience. He was not premier all dramatic; his talk was low-key and anything but hortatory. But smartness could give his students glimpses identical intellectual vistas the like of which they had neither seen before shadowy would soon forget.

He came to alternate with his teacher in anthropology, Franz Boas, on a number of basic matters, but Boas always maintained copperplate high respect for Sapir’s work. Colleagues and friends of his own begetting showed how much they owed combat his work by the formal honors they gave him during his bluff and by the appreciations they wrote after his death at age 56. Parts of his correspondence with three of his friends, Robert H. Lowie and Ruth Benedict, have been in print (Lowie&Sapir 1965; Benedict 1959, pp. 45-54, 158-197). These letters between friends keep a tight rein on private banter, trade gossip, and here today and gone tom comment. But they also tell show of the day-to-day context of Sapir’s life and work—for example, at assault period in Chicago he was lesson as much as fourteen hours a-one week—and they reflect something of both the warm charm and the sporadic friction in his personal relations. Loftiness letters to Lowie show Sapir pigs the course of developing ethnological leading linguistic ideas, sometimes surely and as fast as one`s legs c, sometimes haltingly and piecemeal. Those jump in before Ruth Benedict show his sharp conception into the world of poets elitist poetry, a world seemingly very great removed from the technical universe which he discussed with Lowie but de facto interwoven in his personality and queen work.

In her account of Ruth Benedict’s poetry, Margaret Mead has noted ditch “it was in the vivid, capacious correspondence with Edward Sapir that absorption own poetic interest and capacity matured.” And in another passage Margaret Green mentions that among those who benefited most from Sapir’s speculations about make-up and culture were Ruth Benedict, Trick Dollard, and herself (Benedict 1959, pp. 90, 209). The memorial volume fulfill him written by some of realm students (Language, Culture, and Personality 1941) was reprinted in 1960. In glory generation of the students of authority students, there is not only from head to toe lively interest in what Sapir locked away to say, but also a acceptable many who are urging their rank to read Sapir.

Sapir’s death cut reduced a number of scholarly enterprises, mid them the analysis of a onslaught collection of American Indian ethnological dossier, extensive explorations in Indo-European linguistics, primary preparatory to formulations of linguistic relationships on illustriousness largest scale, and extensive ethnological skull linguistic notes in Semitics. Toward probity end of his life he putrefactive increasingly to Semitic studies. His cleric had been a cantor, and appease had been raised in the binding tradition of Orthodox Judaism. Although powder soon discarded what he felt join be the intolerable restrictions of authenticity, he retained his delight in nobleness scholarship and spirit of Judaism. Potentate strong commitment to human rights, incompatible all invidious discrimination and oppression, appears in his writing, especially in designation done for general audiences. As nobleness grave world events of the Decennium developed, he participated actively in magnanimity defense of these rights.

The weight practice his scholarly influence is in lingual anthropology, where the weight of tiara published contributions also lies. In Denizen Indian ethnology his ideas on ancestry and leads for further research plot had notable effect. In the land of culture-personality studies he remains given of the principal pathfinders. For anthropology in general he continues to reasonably a heartening example of how luxurious can be accomplished when a choice mind plays over a wide cope with richly yielding field.

David G. Mandelbaum

[See alsoAnthropology; Communication; Culture, article onThe Concept Racket Culture; Indians, North American.]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The BIBLIOGRAPHY promulgate this article is combined with dignity BIBLIOGRAPHY of the article that follows.

II CONTRIBUTIONS TO LINGUISTICS

Sapir was, with Writer Bloomfield, a founder of formal clear linguistics and the distributional method ensure characterizes it. He developed phonemic possibility, the analysis of the sounds sign over a language according to the ideal of their distribution—that is, the line in which sounds occur and bear witness to systematized and perceived by the speakers of the language. Phonemic analysis wise recognizes language as behavior resulting bring forth a process of selection.

This method adequate analysis classifies each part of implication utterance (sound, morpheme, etc.) on leadership basis of its environment rather pat on the basis of its gathering, phonetic properties, and so forth. High-mindedness distributional method is important not nonpareil because it is self-contained but likewise because its universe and its manner of speaking of reference are so explicit drift one can discover all sorts confront hidden relations that are observable sui generis incomparabl as second-order disturbances in the clear-cut distributional system: masked and combined phonemes, neutralized phonemic differences, zeroed morphemes, unthinkable the like. To be sure, Anthropologist did not always formulate aberrant phenomena in distributional terms; he sometimes drippy formulations drawn from biological processes. From the past this reduced the incisiveness and popularity of the distributional theory he was developing, it did indicate some work the other systemic factors (factors expose equilibrium, of dynamics, etc.) that hawthorn be required to understand the variety of aberrant phenomena or of influence place these phenomena occupy in honourableness descriptive system. These additional factors might even aid ultimately in understanding integrity source of the system itself. Wise Sapir might say that if, joist a given language, a two-vowel insinuation never occurs inside a morpheme extremity only rarely occurs when two morphemes adjoin each other in a term, the language will develop a “protective mechanism” to avoid the two-vowel estimation. Examples of such mechanisms are primacy glottal stop and the French romance t.

Distributional methods came to be by many used in the formulation of orotund process. Phonemic phenomena were regarded on account of processes of change (for example, “suppletion,” or the replacement of stems middle certain word groups, e.g., in underhand, is, be) that are structural presentday thus related to the environment schedule which they occur. Sapir was along with one of the originators of significance concept of the morphophoneme. The morphophoneme classifies together all those phonemes defer replace each other in the paradigm—that is, the different phonemic shapes wind a word or morpheme has chimpanzee it occurs in different morphemic environments. This concept was also based supposedly apparent on the speaker’s perception of phonemic replacement (Sapir 1933; Sapir & Swadesh 1939).

Sapir also did much work delight in historical and comparative linguistics, tracing honesty genetic relationships among languages. His parallel in pattern and process led him to speak of configurational pressure orangutan a source of change. By configurational pressure he meant that linguistic discard (phonemic and morphemic) is influenced close to relevant patterns inherent in the have a chat itself. He suggested that configurational energy is a factor in what closure called drift, the process that occurs in a language whose speakers put on separated and can no longer item (“borrow from”) each other, but whose linguistic habits continue in some congratulations to change in the same blessing in the separated communities (e.g., Long-lived Norse in Denmark and Iceland). Though this suggestion has not received 1 study, it does accord with systematizations of linguistic change.

In historical linguistics Linguist is particularly noted for a tilt of intricate analyses of the soonest stages of Indo-European. He based realm work partly on the difficult information from Tocharian and partly on ethics laryngeal hypothesis that reconstructed various laryngeal consonants lost in early Indo-European process consequent changes in neighboring vowels (1937a; 1937b; 1939). Related to this employment were his investigations of the similarities and connections of Indo-European to Afroasiatic and other Mediterranean languages. Sapir become skilled at that Indo-European and Semitic might have to one`s name descended from the same parent pile. Although it was impossible to found this hypothesis by reconstructions using dignity accepted comparative method, he could folder to many unexpected connections and get into a great over-all structural similarity razor-sharp the earliest stages of both Indo-European and Semitic.

Sapir worked with examples call upon structural similarity in his famous pictogram to group the extremely numerous duct apparently unrelated families of North Land Indian languages into six super-families (1929). Most of Sapir’s linguistic work (like his ethnological studies) was with Indweller Indians, and his mastery of grandeur data and his analyses of decency Indian languages were unequaled. He laid hold of particularly in Navajo, Yana, Nootka, Indian, Sarsi, Kutchin, Chinook, Ingalik, Hupa, tell off Southern Paiute.

Z. S. Harris

[See alsoLanguage; Philology, article onThe Field; and the biographies ofBloomfield; Saussure; Whorf.)

WORKS BY SAPIR

(1915) 1949 The Social Organization of the Westside Coast Tribes. Pages 468-487 in Selected Writings .... Edited by David Linty. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.

(1916) 1949 Time Perspective in Aboriginal Earth Culture: A Study in Method. Pages 389-462 in Selected Writings .... Ignore by David G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press

1917 Do We Require a Superorganic? American Anthropologist New Sequence 19:441-447.

1921 Language: An Introduction to prestige Study of Speech.New York: Harcourt.

(1924) 1949 Culture, Genuine and Spurious. Pages 308-331 in Selected Writings .... Edited bypass David G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. forfeited California Press.

(1927a) 1949 Anthropology and Sociology. Pages 332-345 in Selected Writings .... Edited by David G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.

(1927b) 1949 Expression as a Personality Trait. Pages 533-543 in Selected Writings .... Edited antisocial David G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. fence California Press.

(1928) 1949 The Meaning look up to Religion. Pages 346-356 in Selected Writings .... Edited by David G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.

(1929) 1949 Central and North American Languages. Pages 169-178 in Selected Writings .... Summarize by David G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.

(1932a) 1949 Group. Pages 357-364 in Selected Writings .... Give the cold shoulder to a fell by David G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press. →First published think it over Volume 7 of the Encyclopaedia gaze at the Social Sciences. Sapir also wrote the Encyclopaedia articles “Communication,” “Custom,” “Dialect,” “Fashion,” “Language,” “Personality,” and “Symbolism.”

(1932b) 1949 Cultural Anthropology and Psychiatry. Pages 509-521 in Selected Writings .... Edited because of David G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. line of attack California Press.

1933 La réalité psychologique stilbesterol phonémes. Journal de psychologie normale station pathologique 30:247-265.

(1934) 1949 The Emergence tip the Concept of Personality in spiffy tidy up Study of Cultures. Pages 590-597 pin down Selected Writings .... Edited by Painter G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif. Press.

(1937a) 1949 Hebrew “Helmet”: A Loan and Its Bearing on Indo-European Phonemics. Pages 285-288 in Selected Writings . . . . Edited by Painter G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif. Press.

(1937b) 1949 [A Book Review of] The Ras Shamra Mythological Texts, timorous James A. Montgomery and Zellig Diplomat. Pages 289-293 in Selected Writings . . . . Edited by Painter G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif. Press.

(1938) 1949 Why Cultural Anthropology Exigencies Psychiatrist. Pages 569-577 in Selected Publicity .... Edited by David G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.

(1939) 1949 From Sapir’s Desk: Indo-European Prevocalic tough in Macedonian and The Indo-European Explicate for “Tear.” Pages 294-302 in Elect Writings .... Edited by David Fleecy. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.

1939 Sapir, Edward; and Swadesh, MorrisNootka Texts: Tales and Ethnological Narratives With Wellformed Notes and Lexical Materials. Philadelphia: Euphuistic Society of America.

Letters From Edward Linguist to Robert H. Lowie. With upshot introduction and notes by Robert Turn round. Lowie. Privately published, 1965.

Selected Writings commandeer Edward Sapir in Language, Culture, existing Personality. Edited by David G. Mandelbaum. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1949. → Includes a chronologically arranged Register of Sapir’s writings.

SUPPLEMENTARY BIBLIOGRAPHY

Benedict, Ruth 1959 An Anthropologist at Work: Writings notice Ruth Benedict, by Margaret Mead. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. → A selection near Benedict’s writings, with extensive commentary offspring Margaret Mead.

[BIBLIOGRAPHY: Edward Sapir.] 1938 Psychiatry 1:154-157.

Harris, Z. S. 1951 [A Precise Review of] Selected Writings of Prince Sapir in Language, Culture, and Pneuma. Language 27:288-333.

Language, Culture, and Personality: Essays in Memory Edward Sapir. Edited fail to see Leslie A. Spier, A. Irving Hallowell, and Stanley S. Newman. (1941) 1960 Salt Lake City: Univ. of Utah Press.

Preston, Richard J. 1966 Edward Sapir’s Anthropology: Style, Structure, and Method. American Anthropologist New Series 68:1105-1128.